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[主观题]

Sen. John F. Kerry's 11-day mini-campaign on the theme of national security appears unlike

ly to produce sensational headlines or seize the country's attention—which is, on balance, to his credit. At a moment when the crisis in Iraq dominates the national discussion, Mr. Kerry is resisting the temptation to distinguish himself from President Bush with bold but irresponsible proposals to abandon the mission, even though that course is favored by many in his party. Nor has he adopted the near-hysterical rhetoric of former vice president A1 Gore, who has taken to describing Iraq as the greatest strategic catastrophe in American history and calling US handling of foreign detainees an "American gulag. "

Instead, Mr. Kerry is in the process of setting out what looks like a sober and substantial altemative to Mr. Bush's foreign policy, one that correctly identifies the incumbent's greatest failings while accepting the basic imperatives of the war that was forced on the country on Sept. 11, 2001. In his opening speech on the subject Thursday, Mr. Kerry reiterated one of the central tenets of Mr. Bush's policy: Lawless states and terrorists armed with weapons of mass destruction present "the single greatest threat to our security. " He said that if an attack on the United States with unconventional weapons "appears imminent I will do whatever is necessary to stop it" and "never cede our security to anyone"—formulations that take him close to Mr. Bush's preemption doctrine.

Yet Mr. Kerry focused much attention on the president's foremost weakness, his mismanagement of US alliances. The Bush administration, he charged, "bullied when they should have persuadeD. They have gone it alone when they should have assembled a team. " Not only is the truth of that critique glaringly evident in Iraq and elsewhere, but Mr. Kerry is also right to suggest that repairing and reversing the damage probed will require a new president. Though Mr. Bush has belatedly changed course in response to his serial failures in Iraq, there is no evidence that he would pursue a more multilateral foreign policy if reelected.

Mr. Kerry's promise to "launch and lead a new era of alliances for the post 9/11 world" nevertheless does not add up to a strategy by itself. Tensions between the United States and countries such as France, Germany and South Korea predate George W. Bush and will not disappear if he leaves office; leaders in those nations have their own ambitions to challenge or contain American power. Strong alliances require a common strategic vision—and the vision offered so far by Mr. Kerry is relatively narrow. His Thursday speech focused on combating threats and on reducing dependence on Middle East oil; this week he will set out policies to block the spread of nuclear weapons. But he has had little to say about the good that the United States should seek to accomplish in the worlD. In an interview Friday, the candidate stressed that he has set out the "architecture" of his foreign policy and will talk more about goals and values in coming weeks. Thus far he has spoken more about protecting American companies and workers from foreign competition—something that hardly promotes alliances—than about fostering democracy in the Middle East or helping poor nations develop.

The emerging Kerry platform. suggests that ultimately he would adopt many of the same goals as Mr. Bush. In his latest speech he rightly warned of the terrible consequences of failure in Iraq and, like Mr. Bush, embraced elections and the training of Iraqi security forces as the best way forwarD. His proposal for a U. N. high commissioner represents a slight upgrade on the deference already given by the White House to U. N. representative Lakhdar Brahimi; his call for a NATO- led military mission already has been aggressively pursued by the Bush administration, with poor results. There are, in fact, few responsible alternatives to the

A.leave him in a disadvantaged position in the campaign

B.result in a draw against President Bush in the campaign

C.do him good instead of harm in the campaign

D.bring about a general disappointment among the public

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更多“Sen. John F. Kerry's 11-day mini-campaign on the theme of national security appears unlike”相关的问题

第1题

听力原文:Mister Kerry criticized the Iraq war, as well as the president's economic record.

听力原文: Mister Kerry criticized the Iraq war, as well as the president's economic record. He said wages are falling, health care costs are rising and the middle class in America is shrinking. He declared: "It is time for those who talk about family values to start valuing families."

John Kerry has served in the Senate for twenty years. But many commentators said his acceptance speech in Boston was his most important speech ever. Political observers say the presidential race appears extremely close. John Kerry said his goal this week was to show voters that he could do better than President Bush.

Others who spoke at the Democratic convention included former presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton. And they included A1 Gore, the former vice president who lost to Mister Bush in the disputed election of two-thousand.

Which one of the following is not mentioned by Kerry?

A.Iraq war.

B.Economy.

C.Health care.

D.Gay marriage.

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第2题

Bob Schieffer of CBS News made a good point on "The Charlie Rose Show" last week. He said
that successful presidents have all skillfully exploited the dominant medium of their times. The Founders were eloquent writers in the age of pamphleteering. Franklin D. Roosevelt restored hope in 1933 by mastering radio. And John F. Kennedy was the first president elected because of his understanding of television.

Will 2008 bring the first Internet president? Last time, Howard Dean and later John Kerry showed that the whole idea of "early money" is now obsolete in presidential politics. The Internet lets candidates who catch fire raise millions in small donations practically overnight. That's why all the talk of Hillary Clinton's "war chest" making her the front runner for 2008 is the most hackneyed punditry around. Money from wealthy donors remains the essential ingredient in most state and local campaigns, but "free media" shapes the outcome of presidential races, and the Internet is the freest media of all.

No one knows exactly where technology is taking politics, but we're beginning to see some clues. For starters, the longtime stranglehold of media consultants may be over. In 2004, Errol Morris, the director of "The Thin Blue Line" and "The Fog of War," on his own initiative made several brilliant anti-Bush ads (they featured lifelong Republicans explaining why they were voting for Kerry). Not only did Kerry not air the ads, he told me recently he never even knew they existed. In 2008, any presidential candidate with half a brain will let a thousand ad ideas bloom (or stream) online and televise only those that are popular downloads. Deferring to "the wisdom of crowds" will be cheaper and more effective.

Open-source politics has its hazards, starting with the fact that most people over 35 will need some help with the concept. But just as Linux lets tech-savvy users avoid Microsoft and design their own operating systems, so "netroots" political organizers may succeed in redesigning our current nominating system. But there probably won't be much that's organized about it. By definition, the Internet strips big shots of their control of the process, which is a good thing. Politics is at its most invigorating when it's cacophonous and chaotic.

To begin busting up the dumb system we have for selecting presidents, a bipartisan group will open shop this week at Unity08. com. This Internet-based third party is spearheaded by three veterans of the antique 1976 campaign: Democrats Hamilton Jordan and Gerald Rafshoon helped get Jimmy Carter elected; Republican Doug Bailey did media for Gerald Ford before launching the political TIP SHEET Hotline. They are joined by the independent former governor of Maine, Angus King, and a collection of idealistic young people who are also tired of a nominating process that pulls the major party candidates to the extremes. Their hope: to get even a fraction of the 50 million who voted for the next American Idol to nominate a third-party candidate for president online and use this new army to get him or her on the ballot in all 50 states. The idea is to go viral—or die. "The worst thing that could happen would be for a bunch of old white guys like us to run this," Jordan says.

The Unity08 plan is for an online third-party convention in mid-2008, following the early primaries. Any registered voter could be a delegate; their identities would be confirmed by cross referencing with voter registration rolls (which would also prevent people from casting more than one ballot). That would likely include a much larger number than the few thousand primary voters who all but nominate the major party candidates in Iowa and New Hampshire. This virtual process will vote on a centrist platform. and nominate a bipartisan ticket. The idea is that even if the third- party nominee didn't win, he would wield serious power in the '08 election, which will likely be close.

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第3题

The main purpose of the passage is to ______.A.criticize John Kerry for his personalityB.e

The main purpose of the passage is to ______.

A.criticize John Kerry for his personality

B.explain why John Kerry was defeated

C.describe the Democrats' reaction to the defeat

D.encourage the Democrats to overcome their depression

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第4题

How many years has John Kerry served in the Senate?A.Ten years.B.Twenty years.C.Fifteen ye

How many years has John Kerry served in the Senate?

A.Ten years.

B.Twenty years.

C.Fifteen years.

D.Nineteen years.

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第5题

According to the passage, which of the following is the reason why the Democrats are so di
sappointed at the election result?

A.They failed to send President Bush into early retirement.

B.The votes for John Kerry and George Bush were so close.

C.They have to face the next four years with Bush as President.

D.John Kerry was defeate

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第6题

New York's streets were covered by people dressed in elephant costumes (服装)and others wa

New York's streets were covered by people dressed in elephant costumes (服装)and others waving anti war posters with pictures of U. S. President George W. Bush on them last week. But this was no carnival (狂欢节)— it was the Republican Party's National Convention (共和党全国大会), which attracted thousands of protestors (抗议者). It was the largest protest ever at a U. S. political convention, with at least 120,000 people marching through Manhattan on August 29. They demanded that the U. S. leave Iraq and a new president be chosen.

The Republicans say the opposition — Democrat Party (民主党) encouraged the people on to the streets. They believe it is a Democratic move to help win presidential election, to be held on November 2. The election is described as "the decisive battle between donkey and elephant". The two animals are the symbols of the two major political parties in the U.S. The elephant represents (象征) the Republicans, whose candidate (候选人) , President George W. Bush, is trying to defeat the donkey to win his second term. The donkey represents the Democrats, whose candidate, John Kerry, is trying to kick the elephant out of the White House.

Republicans think the elephant is powerful and clever, but the Democrats argue it is stupid and conservative (守旧的). In return, the Republicans regard the donkey as stubborn (倔强的) and silly but the Democrats say it is humble, plain, smart and courageous.

The Republicans have been sending e-mails to Bush supporters and journalists with the header, "An Elephant Never Forgets", said party spokeswoman Heather Layman. Elephants are known for their long memories. The e-mails suggest that Bush will keep his promises, while Kerry will not stick to his words.

It is interesting that both symbols were created by a single person, Thomas Nest, a famous political cartoonist of the late 19th century. During the election in 1874, Nest drew a cartoon, in which a donkey in a lion's skin frightened an elephant marked "Republican".

In the passage, the donkey stands for ______.

A.the White House

B.the Republicans

C.the Democrats

D.John Kerry

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第7题

Mr. Kerry's attack against the president focused on______.A.the latter's use of force agai

Mr. Kerry's attack against the president focused on______.

A.the latter's use of force against Iraq

B.the difficulty in reassembling US alliances

C.the need of a new president in directing the Iraq mission

D.the latter's practice of unilateralism

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第8题

Kerry: Good morning! I'd like to book a cheap spring tour. ______ Joann: There's a splendi
d tour in Paris. Kerry: But I prefer to go in April. Joann: Well, April in Paris is beautiful. But it's very popular. Most package tours in April are fully booked. Kerry: Alright, I'll think about it and come back tomorrow.

A.Which sort of tour interests you?

B.Why don't you give me a brochure?

C.What package tours are available?

D.What other tours would you suggest?

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第9题

Kerry: Hi, Joanne. How's it going? Joanne: Terrible. I just found out I have a chemistry t
est tomorrow. Kerry: Your professor didn't tell you until now? Joanne: He told us--I just didn't hear it. Kerry: What're you going to do? ______ Joanne: I'll have to, because I also have an exam in French tomorrow.

A.Don't be nervous.

B.Pull an all-nighter?

C.Want to go bowling tonight?

D.You look really out of it.

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第10题

听力原文:At 63, John F. Fielder, Chairman and CEO of BorgWarner Inc. , has spent 40 years

听力原文: At 63, John F. Fielder, Chairman and CEO of BorgWarner Inc. , has spent 40 years in the automobile industry, but he still acts like a 16-year-old who has just been given dad's keys. He often tells us that he loves cars. Recently, he had a talk with our correspondent Michael Arndt.

Car sales held up remarkably well through this recession. And while Borg. Warner's profiles fell, you still made money. What's the trick?

This is my ninth downturn, and we finally got this one right. If you go back to the mid-1980's, people were using 12% of their monthly disposable income to make a car payment. In 1999, that figure was 7%. In the past downturns, the first thing people did was to postpone car purchases. This time we surveyed people, and they said, "No, I'm not going to cut back on a car."

We also have a lot more real-time information. We could react faster. A lot of people think the auto industry got passed by the dot-corns and e-businesses. We didn't. We put in a lot of information systems. I can pull up on my computer right now Ford's inventories at all their plants, because we have data coming to us. We have less than a week's inventory of anything in our company.

For long-term growth, are you banking on Asia and Latin America?

If your time frame. is the rest of this decade, no, because the income isn't there yet. If your time frame. is longer -- several decades -- those are the growth markets. But in the next decade, Europe will be our fastest growing market.

What about moving your factories to low-cost emerging markets?

What's happening in the world is counterintuitive. The yen is getting weaker and weaker, and yet the, Japanese are putting more and more plants in the U.S. What people have learned is if you don't make it in the market, you are not likely to sell it there for any length of time.

I thought the trend was toward a "world car".

People around the world don't want a world car. Here is a real-life example. One of our best operations in the U.S. is one that makes gear boxes for SUVs. That technology doesn't do any good in Europe -- they don't use that product. Yet European will pay about $800 more for a very fuel-efficient engine. At their prices of gasoline, they can pay that $800 off in about a year.

Auto makers are notorious for squeezing suppliers. How can you take that year after year?

Well, our average yearly price reduction isn't the 3% to 5% you read about, It's more like 1%, and we offset that with honest-to-God cost savings. If we can't do it, we get out of the business.

You drive a different car every year. What was your all-time favorite model?

My favorite was '55 Chevy Bel-Air coupe. I always remembered it as a great car. I've gone back and driven one recently and it's not really a great car. My memories of it are much better than the car.

•You will hear an interview with John F. Fielder, Chairman and CEO of BorgWarner Inc.

•For each question 23-30, mark one letter (A, B or C) for the correct answer.

•You will hear the recording twice.

Mr Fielder

A.still likes cars even though he is 63.

B.has liked cars for 40 years.

C.liked his daddy's car at the age of 16.

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