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The term“unionization'’(Line l，Paragraph 5)refers to__________．[A]mobilizing all workers to seize power[B]gathering workers into an organized group[C]working out strategies to raise workers’pay[D]changing wage policies for women and minority men
答案
更多“Theterm“unionization'’（Linel，Paragraph5)refersto__________．[A]mobilizingallworkerstose”相关的问题
第1题
The term "unionization" (Line l, Paragraph 5) refers to
[A] mobilizing all workers to seize power.
[ B] gathering workers into an organized group.
[ C] working out strategies to raise workers' pay.
[ D] changing wage policies for women and minority men.
第2题
The term "unionization" (Line 1, Paragraph 5) refers to ______.
A．mobilizing all workers to seize power.
B．gathering workers into an organized group.
C．working out strategies to raise workers' pay.
D．changing wage policies for women and minority men.
第3题
A.outsourcing
B.the cheap supply of top electrical engineering graduates in India
C.the low starting salary for the software workers in India
D.the low unionization rate among software writers in the U.S.
第4题
Both parties, however, have resisted reducing these tendencies in their social, economic, and moral belief systems to a rigid ideology. And neither, until recently, gave much authority in its national party structure.
At state and local levels, on the other hand, party organizations often achieved impressive levels of solidarity and internal discipline. Both Democrats and Republicans maintained powerful local political organizations in many cities and states.
Whatever their merits or demerits, the traditional organizations went into steep decline during the 1950s and 1960s. The old organizations lost the ability to maintain discipline. The share of voters regarding themselves as. political independence, that is, people not affiliated with either of the major parties, rose.
There were several reasons for the loss of effectiveness of the major party organizations. Development of a welfare state administered by the federal government established some of the services that had formerly been distributed by the organizations as political favors. As recent immigrants became more educated they were less dependent on party workers. The inclusion of more state employees under civil service protection dried up some of the old wells of patronage. Growing unionization of public employees after 1960 struck an even more serious blow at the patronage system. Television brought candidates into voters' living rooms, thereby antiquating some of the communication and education functions of party workers. Most of all, perhaps, the old tribal differences associated with the parties began to seem irrelevant to members of generations that sought fresh identities.
What does the passage mainly discuss？
A．American political parties in the twentieth century.
B．The role of ideology in American politics.
C．The future direction of United States politics.
D．Difference between Republicans and Democrats.
第5题
阅读材料，回答题。
The Jobless Rate in U. S.
There are only a couple of ways to explain how the capacity of U.S. workers to claim their accustomed share of the nation&39;s income has so stunningly collapsed. Outsourcing is certainly a big part of the picture.
As Stephen Roach, a famous economist, has noted, private-sector hiring in the current recovery is roughly ？million jobs shy of what would have been the norm in previous recoveries and U.S.corporations, high-tech as well as low-tech, are busily hiring employees from lower-wage nation instead of from our own.
The jobless rate among U.S. software engineers, for instance, has doubled over the past three years.In Bangalore, India, where American companies are on a huge hiring spree for the kind of talent they used to scoop up in Silicon Valley, the starting annual salary for top electrical engineering graduates, says Business Week, is $ 10,000 compared with $ 80,000 here in the States.Tell that to a software writer in Palo Alto and she&39;s not likely to up her boss for a raise.That software writer certainly doesn&39;t belong to a union, either.
Indeed, the current recovery is not only the first to take place in all economy in which global wage rates are a factor, but the first since before the New Deal to take place in an economy in which the rate of private-sector unionization is in single digits just 3.5 percent of the workforce.
The current administration is not responsible for the broad contours of this miserably misshapen recovery, but its every action merely increases the imbalance of power between America&39;s employers and employees.But the Democrats&39;prescriptions for more broadly shared prosperity need some tweaking, too.With the globalization of high-end professions, no Democrat can assert quite so confidently the line that Bill Clinton used so often : What you earn is a result of what you learn.This year&39;s crop of presidential candidates is taking more seriously the importance of labor standards in trade accords, and the right of workers to organize.But they&39;ve got a way to go to make the issue of stagnating incomes into the kind of battle crying it should be in the campaign against Bush.If they&39;re not up to it, I say we outsource them all and bring in some pools from Bangalore.
Which of the following might have contributed to the current miserably misshapen recovery in the U.S.？ 查看材料
A.The New Deal.
B.The globalization of eco.nomy.
C.The economic policies adopted by the Bush administration.
D.U.S.workers are no longer capable of sharing the increase of nation"s income.
第6题
Black or Hispanic women are four times as likely to be low-wage workers as are white men with comparable skills and experience. White women are more than three times as likely as white men to be low-wage workers, and black or Hispanic men more than one-and-a-half times as likely. More than half of ail low-wage workers are the only wage workers in their families, or live alone.
Employment no longer provides an escape from poverty. More than eight million working adults are poor; two million of them work full-time, year-round. More than seven million poor children have at least one working parent. When that one working parent is a low-wage worker, the children have no better chance of escaping from poverty than if the parent were not working at all; more than two-fifths of such children are poor.
Even if generous income assistance were available, file wages employers pay would be held to a minimum. In addition, policies such as tax credits for working parents do nothing to increase the political power of working women and men.
Our research shows that unionization is among the most effective strategies for raising pay, especially for women and minority men. Being a union member, or being covered by a collective-bargaining agreement, raised 1984 wages by ＄1.79 per hour for Hispanic men, ＄1. 32 for black men, ＄1.26 for Hispanic women, ＄1.01 for black women, ＄0.68 for white women, and＄ 0.41 for white men, when all other factors, such as occupation, industry, firm size, education and experience were held constant. In percentage terms, the union increase was more than 15 percent for blacks and Hispanics, 11 percent for white women, and 4 percent for white men.
During the 1980s, women started to play a more important role in ______.
A．demanding political rights.
B．improving social welfare.
C．supporting the family.
D．earning better wages.
第7题
Text 2
Empowering workers constitutes the first step toward a stronger economy and stronger citizen-ry. It is a vital step toward overcoming inequality in American society. During the 1980s, the need for better wages for all workers increased as women, traditionally secondary earners, assumed grea- ter responsibility for their own and their children's well-being. Yet the ability to raise families to a decent living standard through wage work decreased; real wages fell for most workers. And the Federal Govemment enacted no new policies to facilitate the integration of work and family, as working women and working families suffered a loss in political power as well.
Black or Hispanic women are four times as likely to be low-wage workers as are white men with comparable skills and experience. White women are more than three times as likely as white men to be low-wage workers, and black or Hispanic men more than one-and-a-half times as likely. More than half of all low-wage workers are the only wage workers in their families, or live alone.
Employment no longer provides an escape from poverty. More than eight million working adults are poor; two million of them work full-time, year-round. More than seven million poor children have at least one working parent. When that one working parent is a low-wage worker, thechildren have no better chance of escaping from poverty than if the parent were not working at all ;more than two-fifths of such children are poor.
Even if generous income assistance were available, the wages employers pay would be held toa minimum. In addition, policies such as tax credits for working parents do nothing to increase the olitical power of working women and men.
Our research shows that unionization is among the most effective strategies for raising pay, especially for women and minority men. Being a union member, or being covered by a collective-bargaining agreement, raised 1984 wages by $ 1. 79 per hour for Hispanic men, $ 1. 32 for black en, $ 1.26 for Hispanic women, $ 1. 01 for black women, $ 0. 68 for white women, and $ 0.41 for white men, when all other factors, such as occupation, industry, firm size, education and experience were held constant. In percentage terms, the union increase was more than 15 per- cent for blacks and Hispanics, 11 percent for white women, and 4 percent for white men.
46. During the l980s, women started to play a more important role in
[ A] demanding political rights.
[ B ] improving social welfare.
[ C] supporting the family.
[ D] earning better wages.
第8题
